'Verstehen' ('understand') primes 'stehen' ('stand') : Morphological structure overrides semantic compositionality in the lexical representation of German complex verbs
'Verstehen' ('understand') primes 'stehen' ('stand') : Morphological structure overrides semantic compositionality in the lexical representation of German complex verbs
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2014
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Journal of Memory and Language ; 72 (2014). - pp. 16-36. - ISSN 0749-596X. - eISSN 1096-0821
Abstract
The lexical representation of words in Indo-European languages is generally assumed to be driven by meaning compositionality. This study examined the lexical representation of complex verbs in German, which is a morphologically rich representative of Indo-European languages. Three overt priming experiments manipulated prime–target relations between morphological, semantic, and form relatedness. Base verbs (e.g., binden, ‘bind’) were pre- ceded by derivations that were semantically related (zubinden, ‘tie’) or semantically unre- lated (entbinden, ‘deliver’), by purely semantically related (zuschnüren, ‘tie’), form-related (abbilden, ‘depict’), or unrelated (abholzen, ‘deforest’) verbs. To ensure that the procedures were sensitive to semantic and form processing, semantic associates (Messer–Gabel, ‘knife– fork’) and form controls (Bordell–Bord, ‘brothel–board’; beschreiben–reiben, ‘describe–rub’) were added in Experiment 3. To examine whether lexical representation is affected by modality, prime presentation was further varied between visual (Exp. 1 and 3) and audi- tory (Exp. 2).
Semantic facilitation (Exp. 3) and form inhibition (Exp. 2 and 3) were not reliable across experiments, while morphological facilitation was strong and unaffected by semantic relatedness in all three experiments. That is, the priming from semantically opaque deriva- tions was equivalent to that from transparent derivations. These findings indicate that the lexical representation of complex verbs refers to the base regardless of meaning compos- itionality. Lexical representations in German thus differ from those in other Indo-European languages. This new evidence points to the necessity to encompass cross-linguistic varia- tions in the modeling of lexical representation.
Semantic facilitation (Exp. 3) and form inhibition (Exp. 2 and 3) were not reliable across experiments, while morphological facilitation was strong and unaffected by semantic relatedness in all three experiments. That is, the priming from semantically opaque deriva- tions was equivalent to that from transparent derivations. These findings indicate that the lexical representation of complex verbs refers to the base regardless of meaning compos- itionality. Lexical representations in German thus differ from those in other Indo-European languages. This new evidence points to the necessity to encompass cross-linguistic varia- tions in the modeling of lexical representation.
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400 Philology, Linguistics
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Morphological priming,Semantic priming,Lexical representation,Semantic transparency,Cross-modal priming,Complex verbs
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SMOLKA, Eva, Katrin H. PRELLER, Carsten EULITZ, 2014. 'Verstehen' ('understand') primes 'stehen' ('stand') : Morphological structure overrides semantic compositionality in the lexical representation of German complex verbs. In: Journal of Memory and Language. 72, pp. 16-36. ISSN 0749-596X. eISSN 1096-0821. Available under: doi: 10.1016/j.jml.2013.12.002BibTex
@article{Smolka2014Verst-26655, year={2014}, doi={10.1016/j.jml.2013.12.002}, title={'Verstehen' ('understand') primes 'stehen' ('stand') : Morphological structure overrides semantic compositionality in the lexical representation of German complex verbs}, volume={72}, issn={0749-596X}, journal={Journal of Memory and Language}, pages={16--36}, author={Smolka, Eva and Preller, Katrin H. and Eulitz, Carsten} }
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