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Typologie des Passivs im Moliseslavischen : Bewahrung, Umbau und Innovation im totalen slavisch-romanischen Sprachkontakt

Typologie des Passivs im Moliseslavischen : Bewahrung, Umbau und Innovation im totalen slavisch-romanischen Sprachkontakt

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BREU, Walter, Anastasia MAKAROVA, 2019. Typologie des Passivs im Moliseslavischen : Bewahrung, Umbau und Innovation im totalen slavisch-romanischen Sprachkontakt. In: Wiener Slawistischer Almanach. Peter Lang. 83, pp. 7-60. ISSN 0258-6819. Available under: doi: 10.3726/b16740

@article{Breu2019Typol-53670, title={Typologie des Passivs im Moliseslavischen : Bewahrung, Umbau und Innovation im totalen slavisch-romanischen Sprachkontakt}, year={2019}, doi={10.3726/b16740}, volume={83}, issn={0258-6819}, journal={Wiener Slawistischer Almanach}, pages={7--60}, author={Breu, Walter and Makarova, Anastasia} }

2021-05-12T13:42:37Z Breu, Walter terms-of-use Makarova, Anastasia 2019 A typology of the passive in Molise Slavic : preservation, transformation, and innovation in total Slavic-Romance language contact 2021-05-12T13:42:37Z Breu, Walter Molise Slavic is a South-Slavic micro-language, spoken by less than a thousand persons in three villages in the Italian Region of Molise near the Adriatic Sea. Molise Slavs have lived for 500 years in strong contact with Romance varieties. From a grammatical point of view it has changed in many respects to a mixed Slavic-Romance structure.<br /><br />As for passive voice, there are traditionally two formal passives, the participial (or ESSE) type and the reflexive type, corresponding, in principle, to similar types both in Slavic and Romance. But when it comes to details, Romance characteristics dominate over the traditional Slavic ones. For example, in Molise Slavic the reflexive passive does not allow for the combination with an agent, contrary for example to Russian. An important feature in this respect is also the strict differentiation between a dynamic (event) passive and a passive of state/result in the past. Still another one is transitivity as the only condition for forming a passive, even with modal verbs like <i>tit</i> ‘to want’ and stative verbs like <i> amat </i> ‘to love’.<br /><br />While the dynamic passive in the past is expressed by the perfect (formed by the perfect of the auxiliary <i>bit </i> ‘to be’ + passive participle, as in <i> je bija činjen </i>, literally “has been made”), the passive of state/result is expressed by the imperfect of <i>bit</i> + passive participle (<i> biša činjen</i > ‘was made’), i.e. exactly like in Italian <i>è stato fatto</i> vs. <i>era fatto</i> and contrary to Russian and BCS, where the ESSE passive is ambiguous for both functions. If it is true that the perfect may also express the passive of state, it is also true that this is possible only when the delimitative function of the perfect interferes, i.e. we are confronted here with a voice-aspect interaction.<br /><br />The passive in the present, formed by the present of <i>bit</i> + passive participle (<i>je činjen</i>), is ambiguous for both types, in this case again like Italian <i>è fatto</i>, but here other Slavic languages show the same situation. There is, however, in Molise Slavic a strong tendency towards avoiding this construction as a dynamic passive. In this case in both contact languages the reflexive passive is preferred: <i>sa čini = si fa</i> ‘is being made’, literally “makes itself”.<br /><br />However, just like in Italian, and contrary to other Slavic languages, another way of disambiguation has developed, namely by means of the verbal lexeme (aspectual pair) <i>hodit/dokj</i> ‘to come’ as an auxiliary. For the imperfective present its suppletive progressive form <i>gre-</i> is used. So, the construction <i>gre-</i> + past participle (<i>gre činjen</i> ‘is being made, is usually made’) exactly corresponds to the Italian dynamic passive of the type <i>viene fatto</i>. In the past, this calque is also possible, e.g. in the imperfect <i>gredaše činjen</i>, corresponding to <i>veniva fatto</i> in Italian. Just like in Italian, this construction is excluded in the perfect.<br /><br/>On the other hand, in Molise Slavic, due to its aspect system, both the imperfective and the perfective partner verbs of the auxiliary are possible, allowing for a formal difference between iteration, as in <i>dojaša činjen</i> (perfective imperfect) ‘used to be made’ and the ambiguous <i>gredaša činjen</i> (imperfective imperfect), expressing both the process ‘was being made’ and the iteration of such a process or an event. deu Typologie des Passivs im Moliseslavischen : Bewahrung, Umbau und Innovation im totalen slavisch-romanischen Sprachkontakt Makarova, Anastasia

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