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Lexikalische Variation am Beispiel dynamischer Verben des Deutschen und des Portugiesischen

Lexikalische Variation am Beispiel dynamischer Verben des Deutschen und des Portugiesischen

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FIGUEIREDO DE ALENCAR, Leonel, 2003. Lexikalische Variation am Beispiel dynamischer Verben des Deutschen und des Portugiesischen [Dissertation]. Konstanz: University of Konstanz

@phdthesis{FigueiredodeAlencar2003Lexik-3777, title={Lexikalische Variation am Beispiel dynamischer Verben des Deutschen und des Portugiesischen}, year={2003}, author={Figueiredo de Alencar, Leonel}, address={Konstanz}, school={Universität Konstanz} }

2011-03-24T10:06:29Z 2011-03-24T10:06:29Z deu This PhD thesis focuses on the connection between the syntactic and semantic variation of German and Portuguese dynamic verbs. Following Lexical Decomposition Grammar (LDG), I assume that the increase in the syntactic valency of a verb results from semantic operations that add one or more predicates to the underlying basic verb predicate.<br />The verb "schlagen" 'hit' is a prototypical dynamic verb. In (1a), the result of the verb action is coded by a directional PP. In (1b), its Portuguese counterpart appears in a similar syntactic configuration. In (2) and (3), however, these two verbs show a contrasting behaviour. In this study, I demonstrate that these contrasts result from the different variation potential of dynamic verbs in both languages.<br /><br />(1) a. Der Radioamateur schlägt Erdungsstäbe in den Boden.<br />b. O radioamador bate no chão barras de aterramento.<br />'The radio amateur pounds grounding rods into the soil'<br />(2) a. Der Randalierer schlug die Figur in Stücke.<br />b. * O desordeiro bateu a estátua em pedaços.<br />'The rioters hit the figure into pieces'<br />(3) a. Der Mann schlug das Tier bewußtlos.<br />b. * O homem bateu o animal inconsciente.<br />'The man knocked the animal unconscious'<br /><br />In the last years, Romance and Germanic languages have been the subject of numerous contrastive studies, aiming at a more precise classification of individual languages according to the path and manner language distinction. In these analyses, however, Portuguese has been so far hardly considered.<br />This dissertation provides a corpus-based investigation into the semantic and syntactic variation in a sample of German and Portuguese dynamic verbs. A gap in contrastive Germanic and Romance linguistics is thus covered here. As a main result, it is found out that Portuguese behaves as an atypical path language, because it licenses a mechanism that can expand its motion verbs set, namely the resultative extension of a monovalent or bivalent verb. Therefore, as far as the semantics and syntax of motion verbs are concerned, Portuguese is closer to a manner language such as German than French is. To my knowledge, no parallel lexical flexibility was ever detected in any other Romance language.<br />Nevertheless, resultative extension is more restricted and less productive in Portuguese than in German. In Portuguese, it is only applicable to verbs of physical force exertion.<br />Two resultative extension operations are available in Portuguese: STRONG_RESULTATIVE and WEAK_RESULTATIVE. The former operation adds an oblique complement to the basic verb frame. This additional complement can be realised either by a dynamic or by a static element, which, however, must be spatial. As a result, the constructions in (2b) and (3b) are not licensed.<br /><br />(4) O cão se atirou para dentro da água.<br />'The dog threw himself into the water'<br />(5) O monstro se atirou dentro d água.<br />'The monster threw himself into the water'<br /><br />In German, in contrast, the resultative predicate added by STRONG_RESULTATIVE can be coded either by a dynamic element (e.g. a directional PP, as in (1a) and (2a)) or by an element not marked for dynamicity (e.g. a non-spatial AP, as in (3a)).<br />The operation WEAK_RESULTATIVE, which is not available in German, differs from STRONG_RESULTATIVE in that the added oblique must be realised by a spatial dynamic element (see (6)).<br /><br />(6) A empregada raspava com a faca o molho para dentro do lixo.<br />'The housemaid scratched the sauce into the garbage can with the knife'<br /><br />In this work, it is demonstrated that the resultative templates proposed by Wunderlich (2000) cannot account for the German and Portuguese data. The operations STRONG_RESULTATIVE and WEAK_RESULTATIVE constitute an improvement of his proposal.<br />In both languages, dynamic verbs can also be extended with a possessive relation, which projects an indirect object. Portuguese, however, is more flexible than German in this respect. Verbs such as "werfen" 'throw' can only be extended with a possessive relation if they are also expanded by means of STRONG_RESULTATIVE (compare (7b) with (8a, b)), whereas the indirect object in (7c) derives from the verb particle through argument inheritance. The Portuguese analogues, though, are not constrained in this way (see (7a)). On the other hand, they also license the successive application of both possessive and resultative extension.<br /><br />(7) a. Maria lhe atirou um casaco.<br />b. * Maria warf ihm einen Mantel.<br />c. Maria warf ihm einen Mantel zu.<br />'Maria threw him a coat'<br />(8) a. Maria warf ihm einen Mantel über den Kopf.<br />'Maria threw a coat over his head'<br />b. Maria warf ihm einen Mantel hinüber / über.<br />Maria threw him a coat over application/pdf Lexical variation in German and Portuguese dynamic verbs terms-of-use Figueiredo de Alencar, Leonel Figueiredo de Alencar, Leonel Lexikalische Variation am Beispiel dynamischer Verben des Deutschen und des Portugiesischen 2003

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