Cliticization and the Evolution of Morphology : a Cross-linguistic Study on Phonology in Grammaticalization

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2005
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Schiering, René
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Klitisierung und Morphologisierung: Eine sprachvergleichende Untersuchung zur Rolle der Phonologie in der Grammatikalisierung
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Abstract
Within grammaticalization theory, progression on the function word > clitic > affix cline is associated with a number of interdependent morpho-syntactic, functional, and phonological processes. Drawing data from a nineteen language sample, this study aims at testing the predictions made in the literature with respect to the correlation of cliticization and erosion.
Cliticization cannot be described by a set of universal properties but is dependent on the overall phonological system of a language. In stress phonologies, cliticization may be accompanied by stress reduction and prosodic integration into the word stress domain. In tonal phonology, clitics come with a lexical specification for tone and are subject to regular rules of tonal sandhi which neutralize tone specifications and may change the tone. In intonation phonologies, cliticization is characterized by the loss of an intonation peak and the gradual integration into a neighboring intonation phrase. In segmental phonology, cliticization may be accompanied by structure preservation, assimilation, weakening and strengthening. These processes can apply at segments adjacent at the morpheme boundary, or may apply across whole syllables of host-clitic combinations.
In order to systematize the various prosodic and segmental clines encountered in cliticization, this study establishes and defends a rhythm based typology of language which relies on ten parameters in prosody, phonotactics and morphophonology and makes predicts with respect to the clustering of specific phonological properties in mora-, syllable- and stress-based languages. Tested on the basis of the nineteen language sample, six of the parameters proved reliable in evaluating linguistic rhythm. Prototypical stress-based languages are characterized by phonetically strong accent, high degrees of segmental effects of stress, high degrees of syllable complexity and the lack of length contrasts independent of stress. In this phonological climate tone systems are typically restricted and vowel harmony operates on smaller domains. Prototypical syllable-based languages, on the other hand, are characterized by phonetically weak accent, low degrees of segmental effect of stress and lower degrees of syllable complexity. In these languages, we observe unrestricted tone systems and word spanning vowel harmony. Mora-based languages, which otherwise behave like syllable-based languages, are defined by length contrasts in vowels and consonants which are independent of stress.
The rhythm-based typology of language allows for a number of significant predictions with respect to the distribution of the various segmental effects of cliticization. In stress-based languages, stress reduction and tone neutralization go hand in hand with vowel reduction and deletion in unstressed syllables. Since such languages exhibit a high degree of syllable complexity, junctural consonant clusters are likely and we can encounter certain processes applying in this context. However, the rhythm based typology cannot predict which process will apply, for instance whether a consonant cluster will be repaired by cluster simplification or by vowel epenthesis. Mora- and syllable-based languages, on the other hand, do not show vowel reduction and deletion in unstressed syllables. Accordingly, the unstressed vowels of clitics will be preserved or harmonized, but crucially not reduced and deleted. Due to the low degrees of syllable complexity in these languages, junctural vowel clusters and associated processes are likely. However, the rhythm based typology again cannot predict which process, for instance vowel coalescence or consonant epenthesis, will apply. Since gemination of intervocalic consonants is only found in languages with length contrasts in consonants, gemination of intervocalic consonants at clitic boundaries is most likely in mora-based languages, which are defined by this property. Ultimately, this typology predicts different pathways for the evolution of morphology in the different phonological climates. Whereas morphologization in stress-based languages is accompanied by heavy reduction and leads to subminimal morphological markers, morphologization in mora- and syllable-based languages results in polysyllabic markers due to the lack of erosion in grammaticalization.
The evidence compiled in this study calls for a serious reconsideration of the role of phonology in grammaticalization. Since erosion is not a universal concomitant of grammaticalization it cannot be considered a defining property. A subtler conception of grammaticalization has to incorporate the finding that associated sub processes are subject to cross linguistic variation, in our case linguistic rhythm. Accordingly, the findings of this study cast doubt on universal scenarios for language change such as the one enshrined in grammaticalization theory .
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Innerhalb der Grammatikalisierungsforschung wird das Fortschreiten auf dem Kontinuum von Funktionswort zu Klitikon zu Affix einer Reihe ineinander greifender morphosyntaktischer, funktionaler und phonologischer Prozesse zugeschrieben. Auf der Grundlage eines neunzehn Sprachen umfassenden Samples wird in dieser Arbeit die angenommene Korrelation von Klitisierung und Erosion getestet.
Klitisierung lässt sich nicht anhand universaler Eigenschaften beschreiben, sondern ist generell gekennzeichnet durch den phonologischen Typ einer Sprache. In Akzentsystemen geht Klitisierung einher mit Akzentreduktion und prosodischer Integration in eine Wortdomäne. In Tonsprachen haben Klitika lexikalische Spezifikationen für Ton und sind regelhaftem tonalen Sandhi unterworfen, der zu einer Veränderung des Tons führen kann. In Intonationssystemen ist Klitisierung gekennzeichnet durch den Verlust eines Intonationsgipfels und die allmähliche Integration in eine benachbarte Intonationsphrase. In der segmentalen Phonologie lassen sich die vier Grundtypen Strukturerhaltung, Assimilation, Schwächung und Stärkung unterscheiden. Diese Prozesse können jeweils Segmente an der Morphemgrenze betreffen oder über mehrere Silben der klitischen Gruppe applizieren.
Um die verschiedenen prosodischen und segmentalen Prozesse der Klitisierung zu systematisieren, wird in dieser Arbeit eine rhythmusbasierte Typologie von Sprache vorgestellt und verteidigt, die Rhythmizität anhand von zehn prosodischen, phonotaktischen und morphophonologischen Parametern bewertet und Voraussagen über deren Verteilung in moren-, silben- und akzentbasierten Sprachen macht. Sechs der an den neunzehn hier behandelten Sprachen getesteten Parameter erweisen sich als zuverlässig in der Rhythmusbewertung. Prototypische akzentbasierte Sprachen zeichnen sich durch einen phonetisch starken Akzent, starken segmentalen Effekt des Akzents, einen hohen Grad an Silbenkomplexität und durch das Fehlen von Längenkontrasten, die unabhängig vom Akzent realisiert werden, aus. In diesem phonologischen Klima finden wir Tonsysteme, die starken Restriktionen unterliegen und Vokalharmonie, die nur innerhalb kleinerer Domänen operiert. Prototypische silbenbasierte Sprachen zeigen hingegen einen phonetisch schwachen Akzent, schwachen segmentalen Effekt des Akzents und einen niedrigen Grad an Silbenkomplexität. In diesen Sprachen unterliegen Tonsysteme weniger Restriktionen und Vokalharmonie operiert auf Wortebene. Morenbasierte Sprachen, die sich sonst wie silbenbasierte Sprachen verhalten, werden definiert durch das Vorhandensein von Längenkontrasten in Vokalen und Konsonanten, die unabhängig vom Akzent realisiert werden.
Diese rhythmusbasierte Typologie erlaubt eine Reihe von signifikanten Vorhersagen in Bezug auf die Verteilung der diversen segmentalen Effekte der Klitisierung. In akzentbasierten Sprachen gehen Akzentreduktion und Tonneutralisierung einher mit Vokalreduktion und -tilgung in unbetonten Silben. Da diese Sprache einen hohen Grad an Silbenkomplexität aufweisen ist hier das Auftreten von Konsonantenhäufungen an Morphemgrenzen wahrscheinlich und wir beobachten eine Reihe von Prozessen, die in diesem Kontext greifen. Eine rhythmusbasierte Typologie kann jedoch nicht vorhersagen, welcher der betreffenden Prozesse auftritt, z.B. ob die Konsonantenhäufung durch Tilgung oder Epenthese aufgebrochen wird. Moren- und silbenbasierte Sprachen zeigen allerdings keine Vokalreduktion und -tilgung in unbetonten Silben. Dementsprechend werden die unbetonten Vokale in Klitika bewahrt oder harmonisiert, aber nicht reduziert oder getilgt. Aufgrund des niedrigen Grades an Silbenkomplexität sind in diesen Sprachen Vokalhäufungen an der Morphemgrenze möglich, die die Grundlage für morphophonologische Regeln bilden können. Welcher Prozess lässt sich allerdings auch hier nicht durch den Sprachrhythmus vorhersagen. Geminierung von intervokalischen Konsonanten setzt das Vorhandensein von Geminaten voraus. Somit können wir Geminierung an Klitikagrenzen besonders in morenbasierten Sprachen erwarten. Diese Typologie sagt verschiedene Routen in der Morphologieentwicklung der unterschiedlichen Rhythmustypen voraus. Während Morphologisierung in akzentbasierten Sprachen aufgrund des hohen Reduktionspotentials zu subminimalen Markierungen führt, können in moren- und silbenbasierten Sprachen aufgrund fehlender Reduktion mehrsilbige Markierung entstehen.
Die Befunde dieser Arbeiten machen eine Umbewertung der Rolle der Phonologie in der Grammatikalisierung unumgänglich. Da Erosion kein universaler Bestandteil der Grammatikalisierung ist, kann sie auch nicht als definierende Eigenschaft gewertet werden. Eine subtilere Konzeption von Grammatikalisierung muss die Einsicht, dass die verschiedenen Unterprozesse typologischer Variation unterliegen, berücksichtigen. Entsprechend stellen diese Ergebnisse universale Sprachwandelszenarien wie das, was in der Grammatikalisierungstheorie formuliert ist, in Frage.
Subject (DDC)
400 Philology, Linguistics
Keywords
Cliticization,Morphology,Phonology,Typology,Grammaticalization,Rhythm
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Cite This
ISO 690SCHIERING, René, 2005. Cliticization and the Evolution of Morphology : a Cross-linguistic Study on Phonology in Grammaticalization [Dissertation]. Konstanz: University of Konstanz
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  title={Cliticization and the Evolution of Morphology : a Cross-linguistic Study on Phonology in Grammaticalization},
  author={Schiering, René},
  address={Konstanz},
  school={Universität Konstanz}
}
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    <dcterms:abstract xml:lang="eng">Within grammaticalization theory, progression on the function word &gt; clitic &gt; affix cline is associated with a number of interdependent morpho-syntactic, functional, and phonological processes. Drawing data from a nineteen language sample, this study aims at testing the predictions made in the literature with respect to the correlation of cliticization and erosion.&lt;br /&gt;Cliticization cannot be described by a set of universal properties but is dependent on the overall phonological system of a language. In stress phonologies, cliticization may be accompanied by stress reduction and prosodic integration into the word stress domain. In tonal phonology, clitics come with a lexical specification for tone and are subject to regular rules of tonal sandhi which neutralize tone specifications and may change the tone. In intonation phonologies, cliticization is characterized by the loss of an intonation peak and the gradual integration into a neighboring intonation phrase. In segmental phonology, cliticization may be accompanied by structure preservation, assimilation, weakening and strengthening. These processes can apply at segments adjacent at the morpheme boundary, or may apply across whole syllables of host-clitic combinations.&lt;br /&gt;In order to systematize the various prosodic and segmental clines encountered in cliticization, this study establishes and defends a rhythm based typology of language which relies on ten parameters in prosody, phonotactics and morphophonology and makes predicts with respect to the clustering of specific phonological properties in mora-, syllable- and stress-based languages. Tested on the basis of the nineteen language sample, six of the parameters proved reliable in evaluating linguistic rhythm. Prototypical stress-based languages are characterized by phonetically strong accent, high degrees of segmental effects of stress, high degrees of syllable complexity and the lack of length contrasts independent of stress. In this phonological climate tone systems are typically restricted and vowel harmony operates on smaller domains. Prototypical syllable-based languages, on the other hand, are characterized by phonetically weak accent, low degrees of segmental effect of stress and lower degrees of syllable complexity. In these languages, we observe unrestricted tone systems and word spanning vowel harmony. Mora-based languages, which otherwise behave like syllable-based languages, are defined by length contrasts in vowels and consonants which are independent of stress.&lt;br /&gt;The rhythm-based typology of language allows for a number of significant predictions with respect to the distribution of the various segmental effects of cliticization. In stress-based languages, stress reduction and tone neutralization go hand in hand with vowel reduction and deletion in unstressed syllables. Since such languages exhibit a high degree of syllable complexity, junctural consonant clusters are likely and we can encounter certain processes applying in this context. However, the rhythm based typology cannot predict which process will apply, for instance whether a consonant cluster will be repaired by cluster simplification or by vowel epenthesis. Mora- and syllable-based languages, on the other hand, do not show vowel reduction and deletion in unstressed syllables. Accordingly, the unstressed vowels of clitics will be preserved or harmonized, but crucially not reduced and deleted. Due to the low degrees of syllable complexity in these languages, junctural vowel clusters and associated processes are likely. However, the rhythm based typology again cannot predict which process, for instance vowel coalescence or consonant epenthesis, will apply. Since gemination of intervocalic consonants is only found in languages with length contrasts in consonants, gemination of intervocalic consonants at clitic boundaries is most likely in mora-based languages, which are defined by this property. Ultimately, this typology predicts different pathways for the evolution of morphology in the different phonological climates. Whereas morphologization in stress-based languages is accompanied by heavy reduction and leads to subminimal morphological markers, morphologization in mora- and syllable-based languages results in polysyllabic markers due to the lack of erosion in grammaticalization.&lt;br /&gt;The evidence compiled in this study calls for a serious reconsideration of the role of phonology in grammaticalization. Since erosion is not a universal concomitant of grammaticalization it cannot be considered a defining property. A subtler conception of grammaticalization has to incorporate the finding that associated sub processes are subject to cross linguistic variation, in our case linguistic rhythm. Accordingly, the findings of this study cast doubt on universal scenarios for language change such as the one enshrined in  grammaticalization theory .</dcterms:abstract>
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