Publikation: On the neutralizing status of truncation in intonation : A perception study of boundary tones in German and Russian
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The study examined the effect of f0-truncation on the perception of phrase-final boundary tones in two truncating languages with similarities in their phonological inventories, German and Russian. In particular, the identification of truncated rise–falls (L*+H L%) and rise–plateaus (L*+H H%) under maximized time pressure was addressed, i.e. the nuclear syllable was phrase-final and consisted of a short vowel with voiceless onset and coda consonants. The results revealed that in both languages, truncation did not lead to a complete perceptual merger of the two forms but the situation was found closer to a complete neutralization in Russian as compared to German. More specifically, the temporal domain was exploited to preserve the contrast between L% and H% in German. The listeners showed a slight phrase-final f0-drop to be essential for the identification of L% as opposed to a simple f0-rise which was sufficient to identify H%. In Russian, the frequency domain was predominantly utilized to distinguish between the underlying L% and H% with the unexpected result that a strong upscaling of all f0-targets was necessary for L% to be perceived. The results are discussed in terms of the autosegmental-metrical theory of intonation; and some parallels are drawn between phrase-final positions at segmental and prosodic levels.
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RATHCKE, Tamara, 2013. On the neutralizing status of truncation in intonation : A perception study of boundary tones in German and Russian. In: Journal of Phonetics. Elsevier. 2013, 41(3-4), pp. 172-185. ISSN 0095-4470. eISSN 0095-4470. Available under: doi: 10.1016/j.wocn.2013.01.003BibTex
@article{Rathcke2013-05neutr-49747,
year={2013},
doi={10.1016/j.wocn.2013.01.003},
title={On the neutralizing status of truncation in intonation : A perception study of boundary tones in German and Russian},
number={3-4},
volume={41},
issn={0095-4470},
journal={Journal of Phonetics},
pages={172--185},
author={Rathcke, Tamara}
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<dcterms:abstract xml:lang="eng">The study examined the effect of f0-truncation on the perception of phrase-final boundary tones in two truncating languages with similarities in their phonological inventories, German and Russian. In particular, the identification of truncated rise–falls (L*+H L%) and rise–plateaus (L*+H H%) under maximized time pressure was addressed, i.e. the nuclear syllable was phrase-final and consisted of a short vowel with voiceless onset and coda consonants. The results revealed that in both languages, truncation did not lead to a complete perceptual merger of the two forms but the situation was found closer to a complete neutralization in Russian as compared to German. More specifically, the temporal domain was exploited to preserve the contrast between L% and H% in German. The listeners showed a slight phrase-final f0-drop to be essential for the identification of L% as opposed to a simple f0-rise which was sufficient to identify H%. In Russian, the frequency domain was predominantly utilized to distinguish between the underlying L% and H% with the unexpected result that a strong upscaling of all f0-targets was necessary for L% to be perceived. The results are discussed in terms of the autosegmental-metrical theory of intonation; and some parallels are drawn between phrase-final positions at segmental and prosodic levels.</dcterms:abstract>
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