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On the Diachronic Development of a Hungarian Declarative Complementiser

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2016

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https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-968X.12069
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Transactions of the Philological Society. 2016, 114(1), pp. 95-116. ISSN 0079-1636. eISSN 1467-968X. Available under: doi: 10.1111/1467-968X.12069

Zusammenfassung

My paper investigates the diachronic development of the Modern Hungarian finite declarative complementiser hogy ‘COMP’. In Old Hungarian, hogy could be combined with other complementisers, e.g. mint ‘than/as’, giving configurations like hogymint and minthogy, that is, complementiser combinations in general are attested both in the hogy+X and the reverse X+hogy orders, X standing for an unspecified complementiser. The rich variation of Old Hungarian complex complementisers is not fully reflected in Modern Hungarian: it is invariably only one of the orders that survived. I will show that it is always the one that fully grammaticalised into a single C head; this is ultimately tied to the original underlying order of hogy and X as separate C heads. I will also demonstrate that hogy came to be used as a general marker of finite subordination.

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ISO 690BACSKAI-ATKARI, Julia, 2016. On the Diachronic Development of a Hungarian Declarative Complementiser. In: Transactions of the Philological Society. 2016, 114(1), pp. 95-116. ISSN 0079-1636. eISSN 1467-968X. Available under: doi: 10.1111/1467-968X.12069
BibTex
@article{BacskaiAtkari2016-03Diach-46868,
  year={2016},
  doi={10.1111/1467-968X.12069},
  title={On the Diachronic Development of a Hungarian Declarative Complementiser},
  number={1},
  volume={114},
  issn={0079-1636},
  journal={Transactions of the Philological Society},
  pages={95--116},
  author={Bacskai-Atkari, Julia}
}
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    <dcterms:abstract xml:lang="eng">My paper investigates the diachronic development of the Modern Hungarian finite declarative complementiser hogy ‘COMP’. In Old Hungarian, hogy could be combined with other complementisers, e.g. mint ‘than/as’, giving configurations like hogymint and minthogy, that is, complementiser combinations in general are attested both in the hogy+X and the reverse X+hogy orders, X standing for an unspecified complementiser. The rich variation of Old Hungarian complex complementisers is not fully reflected in Modern Hungarian: it is invariably only one of the orders that survived. I will show that it is always the one that fully grammaticalised into a single C head; this is ultimately tied to the original underlying order of hogy and X as separate C heads. I will also demonstrate that hogy came to be used as a general marker of finite subordination.</dcterms:abstract>
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