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Framing Refugees' (Un-) Deservingness

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2024

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Framing Inequalities
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‘Framing’ is a communicative tool that is used to paint an issue in a specific light. The notion that even minor changes in how ‘calculating’ politicians talk about issues can already subtly alter perceptions of ‘innocent’ citizens has alarmed the general public and sparked extensive scientific research. However, considerable conceptual ambiguity has prevented academic work from fully addressing these concerns. This has led to an exaggerated public perception of the power of framing compared to what empirical studies typically demonstrate. My dissertation addresses this conceptual ambiguity by critically examining one of the most prevalent frameworks in framing research, developed by James N. Druckman, and empirically applying it to a highly politicized subject field: the perceptions of refugees’ deservingness. Druckman distinguishes between frames in communication, frames in thought and framing effects, and I address each of these parts with an original empirical study. The studies and their insights together inform the more general discussion of Druckman’s framework. Also, the studies investigate both the supply-side of such frames, the political elite, and the demand-side, average citizens. Study 1 addresses Frames in Communication. It considers how a focusing event, ‘New Year’s Eve 2015/16 in Germany’, affected politicians’ framing of refugees’ deservingness. To explain these reactions, I apply office-seeking and policy-seeking perspectives to a newly created data set. This consists of over 4,600 social media posts from German politicians in which frames of refugees’ deservingness were manually annotated. Both descriptive and analytical results find that the focusing event had only a limited impact on the elite political discourse. However, when politicians changed their framing of refugees, I explain this by office-seeking intentions. This study is the first empirical contribution of a large-scale annotated data set of deservingness frames on refugees by the political elite. In addition, the study extends the understanding of political elite behavior by highlighting the role of frames on negative reciprocity, rather than on need or universalism. Study 2 informs the discussion of Druckman’s Frames in Thought. It examines German citizens’ perceptions of refugees’ deservingness from a gender perspective, using gender stereotypes and benevolent sexism as an explanatory approach. In an original factorial survey experiment, my coauthors and I show that male refugees are more likely to be ‘punished’ for showing less effort to find work than female refugees. Also, expectations on prior education are lower for female than for male refugees. These results confirm our suppositions. Overall, the study adds to the literature on deservingness perceptions and highlights gender as a key determinant for the differential treatment of refugees. Study 3 revisits gender stereotypes and utilizes these to contribute to the understanding of Framing Effects. It examines how gender stereotypes in communication can lead to longer-lasting framing effects because frame recipients engage in applicability considerations of the stereotypical frame. For this test, I designed a large-scale, multi-step survey experiment that measured how both a ‘stereotypical frame’ and an additional ‘equivalence frame’ impacted respondents, both immediately after treatment and up to two weeks later. Results provide a multilayered picture. At first, no stereotypical framing effects are identified. This changes, however, when prior-held stereotypes, as a cognitive schema that assists the admission of the frame, are introduced as moderator. The study thus advances the understanding of the mechanisms behind framing effects and emphasizes the importance of considering real-world contexts in framing effect studies. Based on the insights of the three studies, I offer recommendations to refine Druckman’s framework. These aim to enhance its conceptual clarity, including distinguishing framing and framing effects from other related mechanisms. By doing so, I seek to foster a more accurate and measured understanding of framing’s true impact, both in academic circles and in the broader public discourse.

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ISO 690FLIETHMANN, Anselm, 2024. Framing Refugees' (Un-) Deservingness [Dissertation]. Konstanz: Universität Konstanz
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  title={Framing Refugees' (Un-) Deservingness},
  year={2024},
  author={Fliethmann, Anselm},
  address={Konstanz},
  school={Universität Konstanz}
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My dissertation addresses this conceptual ambiguity by critically examining one of the most prevalent frameworks in framing research, developed by James N. Druckman, and empirically applying it to a highly politicized subject field: the perceptions of refugees’ deservingness. Druckman distinguishes between frames in communication, frames in thought and framing effects, and I address each of these parts with an original empirical study. The studies and their insights together inform the more general discussion of Druckman’s framework. Also, the studies investigate both the supply-side of such frames, the political elite, and the demand-side, average citizens.
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Study 2 informs the discussion of Druckman’s Frames in Thought. It examines German citizens’ perceptions of refugees’ deservingness from a gender perspective, using gender stereotypes and benevolent sexism as an explanatory approach. In an original factorial survey experiment, my coauthors and I show that male refugees are more likely to be ‘punished’ for showing less effort to find work than female refugees. Also, expectations on prior education are lower for female than for male refugees. These results confirm our suppositions. Overall, the study adds to the literature on deservingness perceptions and highlights gender as a key determinant for the differential treatment of refugees.
Study 3 revisits gender stereotypes and utilizes these to contribute to the understanding of Framing Effects. It examines how gender stereotypes in communication can lead to longer-lasting framing effects because frame recipients engage in applicability considerations of the stereotypical frame. For this test, I designed a large-scale, multi-step survey experiment that measured how both a ‘stereotypical frame’ and an additional ‘equivalence frame’ impacted respondents, both immediately after treatment and up to two weeks later. Results provide a multilayered picture. At first, no stereotypical framing effects are identified. This changes, however, when prior-held stereotypes, as a cognitive schema that assists the admission of the frame, are introduced as moderator. The study thus advances the understanding of the mechanisms behind framing effects and emphasizes the importance of considering real-world contexts in framing effect studies.
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December 18, 2024
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Konstanz, Univ., Diss., 2024
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