Publikation: No ellipsis-contained antecedents : adjunct-licensed ellipsis in Spanish
Dateien
Datum
Autor:innen
Herausgeber:innen
ISSN der Zeitschrift
Electronic ISSN
ISBN
Bibliografische Daten
Verlag
Schriftenreihe
Auflagebezeichnung
URI (zitierfähiger Link)
DOI (zitierfähiger Link)
Internationale Patentnummer
Link zur Lizenz
Angaben zur Forschungsförderung
Projekt
Open Access-Veröffentlichung
Sammlungen
Core Facility der Universität Konstanz
Titel in einer weiteren Sprache
Publikationstyp
Publikationsstatus
Erschienen in
Zusammenfassung
While implicitly assumed, the restriction that the antecedent of ellipsis cannot be base-merged within the ellipsis site has not to our knowledge been explicitly stated or analysed. In this article we discuss a pattern of ellipsis in Spanish, resembling gapping but we argue distinct from it, where ellipsis in the main clause can find its antecedent in some but not all adverbial clauses. The adverbial clauses that cannot provide the antecedent for ellipsis are, we argue, those that would have to be interpreted within the ellipsis site at LF. We argue that this pattern and its restrictions supports LF-identity theories of clausal ellipsis, and also provides evidence that remnants of clausal ellipsis move at LF.
Zusammenfassung in einer weiteren Sprache
Fachgebiet (DDC)
Schlagwörter
Konferenz
Rezension
Zitieren
ISO 690
SCHWARZER, Marie-Luise, Andrew WEIR, Antonio FÁBREGAS, 2025. No ellipsis-contained antecedents : adjunct-licensed ellipsis in Spanish. In: The Linguistic Review. De Gruyter. 2025, 42(3), S. 419-441. ISSN 0167-6318. eISSN 1613-3676. Verfügbar unter: doi: 10.1515/tlr-2025-2014BibTex
@article{Schwarzer2025-10-27ellip-74613,
title={No ellipsis-contained antecedents : adjunct-licensed ellipsis in Spanish},
year={2025},
doi={10.1515/tlr-2025-2014},
number={3},
volume={42},
issn={0167-6318},
journal={The Linguistic Review},
pages={419--441},
author={Schwarzer, Marie-Luise and Weir, Andrew and Fábregas, Antonio}
}RDF
<rdf:RDF
xmlns:dcterms="http://purl.org/dc/terms/"
xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/"
xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#"
xmlns:bibo="http://purl.org/ontology/bibo/"
xmlns:dspace="http://digital-repositories.org/ontologies/dspace/0.1.0#"
xmlns:foaf="http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/"
xmlns:void="http://rdfs.org/ns/void#"
xmlns:xsd="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#" >
<rdf:Description rdf:about="https://kops.uni-konstanz.de/server/rdf/resource/123456789/74613">
<dc:creator>Weir, Andrew</dc:creator>
<foaf:homepage rdf:resource="http://localhost:8080/"/>
<dc:language>eng</dc:language>
<dcterms:available rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#dateTime">2025-09-25T14:38:33Z</dcterms:available>
<dcterms:isPartOf rdf:resource="https://kops.uni-konstanz.de/server/rdf/resource/123456789/45"/>
<void:sparqlEndpoint rdf:resource="http://localhost/fuseki/dspace/sparql"/>
<dc:creator>Schwarzer, Marie-Luise</dc:creator>
<bibo:uri rdf:resource="https://kops.uni-konstanz.de/handle/123456789/74613"/>
<dspace:isPartOfCollection rdf:resource="https://kops.uni-konstanz.de/server/rdf/resource/123456789/45"/>
<dspace:hasBitstream rdf:resource="https://kops.uni-konstanz.de/bitstream/123456789/74613/1/Schwarzer_2-145yehi9zwiu72.pdf"/>
<dcterms:issued>2025-10-27</dcterms:issued>
<dc:contributor>Schwarzer, Marie-Luise</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Weir, Andrew</dc:contributor>
<dc:rights>Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:creator>Fábregas, Antonio</dc:creator>
<dc:contributor>Fábregas, Antonio</dc:contributor>
<dcterms:title>No ellipsis-contained antecedents : adjunct-licensed ellipsis in Spanish</dcterms:title>
<dcterms:rights rdf:resource="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"/>
<dc:date rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#dateTime">2025-09-25T14:38:33Z</dc:date>
<dcterms:abstract>While implicitly assumed, the restriction that the antecedent of ellipsis cannot be base-merged within the ellipsis site has not to our knowledge been explicitly stated or analysed. In this article we discuss a pattern of ellipsis in Spanish, resembling gapping but we argue distinct from it, where ellipsis in the main clause can find its antecedent in some but not all adverbial clauses. The adverbial clauses that cannot provide the antecedent for ellipsis are, we argue, those that would have to be interpreted within the ellipsis site at LF. We argue that this pattern and its restrictions supports LF-identity theories of clausal ellipsis, and also provides evidence that remnants of clausal ellipsis move at LF.</dcterms:abstract>
<dcterms:hasPart rdf:resource="https://kops.uni-konstanz.de/bitstream/123456789/74613/1/Schwarzer_2-145yehi9zwiu72.pdf"/>
</rdf:Description>
</rdf:RDF>