Publikation: Surprise-Predicates, Strong Exhaustivity and Alternative Questions
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Factive emotive verbs like surprise and disappoint disallow the strongly exhaustive reading of wh-questions and do not embed alternative questions (nor polar questions) (Guerzoni & Sharvit 2007; Lahiri 1991; a.o.). This paper develops a novel account of this correlation by exploiting a property of surprise-type verbs so-far overlooked in the question literature: their focus-sensitivity. These verbs are treated as degree constructions where the comparison term – the selected type of answer to the question – must be a member of the comparison class C shaped by focus. Strongly exhaustive answers of wh-questions do not match the comparison class and are thus ruled out. Alternative questions fail to produce a suitable C both for strongly and for weakly exhaustive answers and are, hence, entirely disallowed.
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ROMERO, Maribel, 2015. Surprise-Predicates, Strong Exhaustivity and Alternative Questions. SALT : 25th Semantics and Linguistic Theory Conference. Stanford, CA, USA, 15. Mai 2015 - 17. Mai 2015. In: D'ANTONIO, Sarah, ed., Mary MORONEY, ed., Carol Rose LITTLE, ed.. Proceedings of SALT 25. 2015, pp. 225-245. ISSN 2163-5951. Available under: doi: 10.3765/salt.v25i0.3081BibTex
@inproceedings{Romero2015Surpr-60045,
year={2015},
doi={10.3765/salt.v25i0.3081},
title={Surprise-Predicates, Strong Exhaustivity and Alternative Questions},
issn={2163-5951},
booktitle={Proceedings of SALT 25},
pages={225--245},
editor={D'Antonio, Sarah and Moroney, Mary and Little, Carol Rose},
author={Romero, Maribel}
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