Disjunction, focus, and scope
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This paper presents the observation that disjunction cannot take wide scope in negative non-wh-questions and declaratives with a preposed negative element. This rules out the alternative question reading for non-wh-questions with preposed negation and the wide-scope or reading for neg-inverted declaratives. We show that effects parallel to the ones associated with preposed negation can be reproduced in affirmative non-wh-questions and declaratives when Focus is involved. We propose that preposed negation in non-wh-questions and preposed negative adverbials in declaratives necessarily contribute Focus-marking (in particular, Verum Focus), and argue that the lack of wide-scope disjunctive reading in both declaratives and non-wh-questions results as a by-product of the interaction between Focus and the LF syntax of disjunctive structures, which we argue involves ellipsis.
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HAN, Chung-hye, Maribel ROMERO, 2004. Disjunction, focus, and scope. In: Linguistic Inquiry. 2004, 35(2), pp. 179-217. ISSN 0024-3892. Available under: doi: 10.1162/002438904323019048BibTex
@article{Han2004Disju-13918, year={2004}, doi={10.1162/002438904323019048}, title={Disjunction, focus, and scope}, number={2}, volume={35}, issn={0024-3892}, journal={Linguistic Inquiry}, pages={179--217}, author={Han, Chung-hye and Romero, Maribel} }
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