2022, Barget, Monika

2021, Griesse, Malte, Barget, Monika, de Boer, David

In the early modern period, images of revolts and violence became increasingly important tools to legitimize or contest political structures. This volume offers the first in-depth analysis of how early modern people produced and consumed violent imagery, and assesses its role in memory practices, political mobilization, and the negotiation of cruelty and justice. Critically evaluating the traditional focus on Western European imagery, the case studies in this book draw on evidence from Russia, China, Hungary, Portugal, Germany, North America, and other regions. The contributors highlight the distinctions among visual cultures of violence, as well as their entanglements in networks of intensive transregional communication, early globalization, and European colonization.

2018, Barget, Monika

Dans l’historiographie des révoltes, la propagande dénonciatrice a déjà fait l’objet de plusieurs travaux. Beaucoup d’articles et de monographies analysent les médias qui se sont moqués de l’ennemi et qui ont incité à la haine. Mais à côté de ces publications provocatices, il y avait aussi des textes plus modérés ou même visant explicitement à la réconciliation. Ces textes sont souvent négligés parce qu’ils semblent rares et dénués de pertinence. Mais au cours des rébellions dans l’Empire britannique du xviiie siècle, les narrations de réconciliation et de réintégration se répandaient dans plusieurs biographies ou mémoires politiques. Cet article se penche sur les histoires réelles ou fictives des rebelles honorables ou même repentants publiées pendant les rébellions jacobites, la Révolution Américaine et la grande rébellion irlandaise de 1798. Ces autobiographies remplissaient une fonction importante dans le cadre de l’unification nationale, mais elles ont aussi stimulé l’opposition pacifique et la politisation de l’individu.Par ailleurs, les genres littéraires et visuels employés pour raconter ces histoires marquaient une nouvelle étape dans la participation publique, voire civique, à la communication politique du xviiie siècle. Cet article démontre que les autobiographies conciliatoires des rebelles se trouvaient plus souvent dans des médias commercialisés par des éditeurs indépendants que dans les textes gouvernementaux.

2017, Barget, Monika

Ausgehend von klassischen Thesen der Sozialgeschichte, dass es in der frühen Neuzeit eine wachsende Differenzierung von Stadt und Land als Räumen des Protests gegeben habe, untersucht mein Beitrag Übergänge und Interaktionen zwischen diesen keineswegs in sich geschlossenen Zonen für das 18. Jahrhundert. Weder die Jakobitenrebellionen zwischen 1688 und 1746 noch der amerikanische Unabhängigkeitskrieg können ausschließlich städtischen oder ländlichen Gruppen zugeordnet werden. Viel eher zeigt sich, dass das expandierende britische Kolonialreich den ländlichen Raum in ein umfassendes Nationenkonzept integrierte und strukturelle Defizite agrarisch geprägter Gebiete in der politischen Teilhabe ausglich. Damit passten sich die Formen und Ziele des Widerstands in Stadt und Land aneinander an. Von den Sacheverell Riots 1710 bis hin zu den anti-katholischen Aufständen in Glasgow, Edinburgh und London 1779-80 kam vor allem den Vororten eine besondere Bedeutung als Kulminationspunkt politischer Kommunikation und Radikalisierung zu.

2021-10-29, Griesse, Malte, Barget, Monika, de Boer, David

2021, Barget, Monika

As part of the interdisciplinary book series ‘A Cultural History of Color’, this chapter explores the continuities and changes of political color schemes between 1650 and 1800. While colors were traditionally associated with social status and dynastic relations, the Enlightenment Age saw the development of modern party colors as well as complex color-coded communication in the public sphere. Concepts of royalty, nationhood, citizenship and class are covered according to contemporary sumptuary laws, pamphlets, newspaper reports and artistic conventions in both painting and print.

2018, Barget, Monika

“The agreeable contrast” is the telling headline of several eighteenth-century satirical prints published between 1746 and 1749, which raise the subject of good leadership and just government. These prints are generally classified as political caricatures of the failed 1745 Jacobite rebellion led by Charles Edward Stuart in Scotland and encapsulate how contested and many-voiced political and religious identity in mid-eighteenth-century Britain remained. On the one hand, such caricatures uncover the enduring vigor of anti-Catholic sentiment and the incessant reference to English laws and liberty as powerful patterns of argumentation. This suggests that Britain was quickly developing into a modern nation state with distinctly insular traditions in church and state. But on the other hand, such caricatures disclose that the European age of Enlightenment was also shaped by self-confident aristocratic cosmopolitanism and religious irenicism. And the fact that these alternatives of British identity were especially embraced by adherents of the perishing Stuart dynasty does not make them any less valid. Allegations of backwardness and bigotry voiced by the Hanoverian faction must therefore be scrutinized, and the inventive caricatures of the 1745 rebellion testify that the diverse protest movements that made up Jacobitism may have been reformist in their own right.

2021, Etényi, Nóra Gézonné, Barget, Monika

For Hungary, the seventeenth century was a time of internal and foreign conflict, which attracted much attention from Western media. On the one hand, Hungary was seen as a key player in the protection of the Christian West against the Ottoman Empire. On the other hand, the region was the stage of a power struggle between local rulers and their King, who was at the same time Holy Roman Emperor. Newspapers, stand-alone pamphlets and extensive historiographical treatises aimed at Western audiences highlighted the rise and fall of opposition leader Ferenc III Nádasdy, the rebellion of Protestant nobleman Thökoly, and the general contribution of Hungarian aristocrats to the stability of Europe. As many of these publications were illustrated, the article will give an overview of the most common genres and iconographical traditions used to visualize the political crises. Apart from references to ancient mythology and contemporary heraldry, Western images of Hungarian conflicts were shaped by religious iconography. Western media did not only act as neutral observers but intended to conceptualize Hungarian conflicts in the broader framework of European politics. The Pope, the Holy Roman Emperor and other Western princes hoped to give the commemoration of Hungarian events their own twist and actively financed written reports as well as sophisticated imagery. While Hungarian noblemen themselves mainly relied on oral communication to justify their actions, the vast production of prints in the Holy Roman Empire helps us understand the international dimensions of seventeenth-century state formation and confessionalisation.

2021, Barget, Monika

Visualisation has always been an important way to embody abstract ideas, represent absent rulers or unite political agents in a common cause. After the major technical inventions and genre developments of the 15th to 17th centuries, however, 18th-century visual culture brought already existing forms to a new artistic level and generated unprecedented self-reflexivity on the part of artists, patrons and recipients alike. Especially in conflict-ridden Great Britain, an intense debate on the authenticity and decorum of visually represented power relations took off. Both the reduced symbolism of American patriot publishing and the subversive self-representation of leadership in John Wilkes’s oppositional printing challenged long-standing conventions. In the long run, the 18th-century British-American media controversy inspired ever more simplified and dialogue-oriented modes of government communication, which included an altered usage of elite portraiture. To exemplify these developments, the paper traces the early visual representation of George Washington in America, Britain and continental Europe. The way in which American revolutionary leaders were depicted in the 1770s and 1780s was strongly influenced by popular imagery of European military heroes but also put its own mark on aristocratic self-fashioning. By the 1790s, when Britain and America feared the consequences of the French Revolution, republican imagery in the United States and royal representation in Britain had gradually assimilated, and portraits of the once dreaded George Washington were advertised even by conservative British periodicals.

2018, Barget, Monika, MacCarron, Pádraig, Susan, Schreibman

On 28 February 1919 the Irish War Hospital Depot in Dublin closed its doors. This voluntary organisation mostly run, staffed, and funded by women, played a significant role in the vast supply chain of goods shipped overseas to hospitals, sending much needed surgical supplies. Begun on 6 December 1915, the depot was the central Irish node for the collection and dissemination of items which were manufactured by up to 6000 Irish women and men in over 300 work groups across Ireland. This article sheds lights on some of the communicational networks which made this war effort possible. Women across Ireland acted as recruiters and managers, coordinating the daily work of local teams and reporting back to Dublin. The sphagnum moss collection established by Augusta Dillon (Lady Clonbrock) and her female acquaintances in County Galway will serve as one example.